'Greatness is never a given. It must be earned'

"My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.

Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.

Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.

Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.

They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.

The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.

The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.

Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.

The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.

Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.

Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint. We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.

We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you. For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.

We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath. So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood.

At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations."

the glory days of my dad... george bush the stupid president of the united states of america

Bush: 'Our Long National Nightmare Of Peace And Prosperity Is Finally Over'

JANUARY 17, 2001 |

WASHINGTON, DC–Mere days from assuming the presidency and closing the door on eight years of Bill Clinton, president-elect George W. Bush assured the nation in a televised address Tuesday that "our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is finally over."

President-elect Bush vows that "together, we can put the triumphs of the recent past behind us."

"My fellow Americans," Bush said, "at long last, we have reached the end of the dark period in American history that will come to be known as the Clinton Era, eight long years characterized by unprecedented economic expansion, a sharp decrease in crime, and sustained peace overseas. The time has come to put all of that behind us."

Bush swore to do "everything in [his] power" to undo the damage wrought by Clinton's two terms in office, including selling off the national parks to developers, going into massive debt to develop expensive and impractical weapons technologies, and passing sweeping budget cuts that drive the mentally ill out of hospitals and onto the street.

During the 40-minute speech, Bush also promised to bring an end to the severe war drought that plagued the nation under Clinton, assuring citizens that the U.S. will engage in at least one Gulf War-level armed conflict in the next four years.

"You better believe we're going to mix it up with somebody at some point during my administration," said Bush, who plans a 250 percent boost in military spending. "Unlike my predecessor, I am fully committed to putting soldiers in battle situations. Otherwise, what is the point of even having a military?"

On the economic side, Bush vowed to bring back economic stagnation by implementing substantial tax cuts, which would lead to a recession, which would necessitate a tax hike, which would lead to a drop in consumer spending, which would lead to layoffs, which would deepen the recession even further.

Wall Street responded strongly to the Bush speech, with the Dow Jones industrial fluctuating wildly before closing at an 18-month low. The NASDAQ composite index, rattled by a gloomy outlook for tech stocks in 2001, also fell sharply, losing 4.4 percent of its total value between 3 p.m. and the closing bell.

Asked for comment about the cooling technology sector, Bush said: "That's hardly my area of expertise."

Turning to the subject of the environment, Bush said he will do whatever it takes to undo the tremendous damage not done by the Clinton Administration to the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. He assured citizens that he will follow through on his campaign promise to open the 1.5 million acre refuge's coastal plain to oil drilling. As a sign of his commitment to bringing about a change in the environment, he pointed to his choice of Gale Norton for Secretary of the Interior. Norton, Bush noted, has "extensive experience" fighting environmental causes, working as a lobbyist for lead-paint manufacturers and as an attorney for loggers and miners, in addition to suing the EPA to overturn clean-air standards.

Bush had equally high praise for Attorney General nominee John Ashcroft, whom he praised as "a tireless champion in the battle to protect a woman's right to give birth."

"Soon, with John Ashcroft's help, we will move out of the Dark Ages and into a more enlightened time when a woman will be free to think long and hard before trying to fight her way past throngs of protesters blocking her entrance to an abortion clinic," Bush said. "We as a nation can look forward to lots and lots of babies."

Continued Bush: "John Ashcroft will be invaluable in healing the terrible wedge President Clinton drove between church and state."

The speech was met with overwhelming approval from Republican leaders.

"Finally, the horrific misrule of the Democrats has been brought to a close," House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert (R-IL) told reporters. "Under Bush, we can all look forward to military aggression, deregulation of dangerous, greedy industries, and the defunding of vital domestic social-service programs upon which millions depend. Mercifully, we can now say goodbye to the awful nightmare that was Clinton's America."

"For years, I tirelessly preached the message that Clinton must be stopped," conservative talk-radio host Rush Limbaugh said. "And yet, in 1996, the American public failed to heed my urgent warnings, re-electing Clinton despite the fact that the nation was prosperous and at peace under his regime. But now, thank God, that's all done with. Once again, we will enjoy mounting debt, jingoism, nuclear paranoia, mass deficit, and a massive military build-up."

An overwhelming 49.9 percent of Americans responded enthusiastically to the Bush speech.

"After eight years of relatively sane fiscal policy under the Democrats, we have reached a point where, just a few weeks ago, President Clinton said that the national debt could be paid off by as early as 2012," Rahway, NJ, machinist and father of three Bud Crandall said. "That's not the kind of world I want my children to grow up in."

"You have no idea what it's like to be black and enfranchised," said Marlon Hastings, one of thousands of Miami-Dade County residents whose votes were not counted in the 2000 presidential election. "George W. Bush understands the pain of enfranchisement, and ever since Election Day, he has fought tirelessly to make sure it never happens to my people again."

Bush concluded his speech on a note of healing and redemption.

"We as a people must stand united, banding together to tear this nation in two," Bush said. "Much work lies ahead of us: The gap between the rich and the poor may be wide, be there's much more widening left to do. We must squander our nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15 percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it."

"The insanity is over," Bush said. "After a long, dark night of peace and stability, the sun is finally rising again over America. We look forward to a bright new dawn not seen since the glory days of my dad.

January 17, 2001 "bush and his dad" Barbara take them home

Bush: 'Our Long National Nightmare Of Peace And Prosperity Is Finally Over'

JANUARY 17, 2001 |

WASHINGTON, DC–Mere days from assuming the presidency and closing the door on eight years of Bill Clinton, president-elect George W. Bush assured the nation in a televised address Tuesday that "our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is finally over."

ENLARGE IMAGE

President-elect Bush vows that "together, we can put the triumphs of the recent past behind us."

"My fellow Americans," Bush said, "at long last, we have reached the end of the dark period in American history that will come to be known as the Clinton Era, eight long years characterized by unprecedented economic expansion, a sharp decrease in crime, and sustained peace overseas. The time has come to put all of that behind us."

Bush swore to do "everything in [his] power" to undo the damage wrought by Clinton's two terms in office, including selling off the national parks to developers, going into massive debt to develop expensive and impractical weapons technologies, and passing sweeping budget cuts that drive the mentally ill out of hospitals and onto the street.

During the 40-minute speech, Bush also promised to bring an end to the severe war drought that plagued the nation under Clinton, assuring citizens that the U.S. will engage in at least one Gulf War-level armed conflict in the next four years.

"You better believe we're going to mix it up with somebody at some point during my administration," said Bush, who plans a 250 percent boost in military spending. "Unlike my predecessor, I am fully committed to putting soldiers in battle situations. Otherwise, what is the point of even having a military?"

On the economic side, Bush vowed to bring back economic stagnation by implementing substantial tax cuts, which would lead to a recession, which would necessitate a tax hike, which would lead to a drop in consumer spending, which would lead to layoffs, which would deepen the recession even further.

Wall Street responded strongly to the Bush speech, with the Dow Jones industrial fluctuating wildly before closing at an 18-month low. The NASDAQ composite index, rattled by a gloomy outlook for tech stocks in 2001, also fell sharply, losing 4.4 percent of its total value between 3 p.m. and the closing bell.

Asked for comment about the cooling technology sector, Bush said: "That's hardly my area of expertise."

Turning to the subject of the environment, Bush said he will do whatever it takes to undo the tremendous damage not done by the Clinton Administration to the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. He assured citizens that he will follow through on his campaign promise to open the 1.5 million acre refuge's coastal plain to oil drilling. As a sign of his commitment to bringing about a change in the environment, he pointed to his choice of Gale Norton for Secretary of the Interior. Norton, Bush noted, has "extensive experience" fighting environmental causes, working as a lobbyist for lead-paint manufacturers and as an attorney for loggers and miners, in addition to suing the EPA to overturn clean-air standards.

Bush had equally high praise for Attorney General nominee John Ashcroft, whom he praised as "a tireless champion in the battle to protect a woman's right to give birth."

"Soon, with John Ashcroft's help, we will move out of the Dark Ages and into a more enlightened time when a woman will be free to think long and hard before trying to fight her way past throngs of protesters blocking her entrance to an abortion clinic," Bush said. "We as a nation can look forward to lots and lots of babies."

Soldiers at Ft. Bragg march lockstep in preparation for America's return to aggression.

Continued Bush: "John Ashcroft will be invaluable in healing the terrible wedge President Clinton drove between church and state."

The speech was met with overwhelming approval from Republican leaders.

"Finally, the horrific misrule of the Democrats has been brought to a close," House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert (R-IL) told reporters. "Under Bush, we can all look forward to military aggression, deregulation of dangerous, greedy industries, and the defunding of vital domestic social-service programs upon which millions depend. Mercifully, we can now say goodbye to the awful nightmare that was Clinton's America."

"For years, I tirelessly preached the message that Clinton must be stopped," conservative talk-radio host Rush Limbaugh said. "And yet, in 1996, the American public failed to heed my urgent warnings, re-electing Clinton despite the fact that the nation was prosperous and at peace under his regime. But now, thank God, that's all done with. Once again, we will enjoy mounting debt, jingoism, nuclear paranoia, mass deficit, and a massive military build-up."

An overwhelming 49.9 percent of Americans responded enthusiastically to the Bush speech.

"After eight years of relatively sane fiscal policy under the Democrats, we have reached a point where, just a few weeks ago, President Clinton said that the national debt could be paid off by as early as 2012," Rahway, NJ, machinist and father of three Bud Crandall said. "That's not the kind of world I want my children to grow up in."

"You have no idea what it's like to be black and enfranchised," said Marlon Hastings, one of thousands of Miami-Dade County residents whose votes were not counted in the 2000 presidential election. "George W. Bush understands the pain of enfranchisement, and ever since Election Day, he has fought tirelessly to make sure it never happens to my people again."

Bush concluded his speech on a note of healing and redemption.

"We as a people must stand united, banding together to tear this nation in two," Bush said. "Much work lies ahead of us: The gap between the rich and the poor may be wide, be there's much more widening left to do. We must squander our nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15 percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it."

"The insanity is over," Bush said. "After a long, dark night of peace and stability, the sun is finally rising again over America. We look forward to a bright new dawn not seen since the glory days of my dad.

Bye bye mister bush

El desván de la historia espera a Bush

El mandatario que inició dos guerras deja el cargo con la popularidad por los suelos

Asumamos que los propósitos de George W. Bush eran laudables. "Mi objetivo es un mundo libre de la tiranía", dijo, hace ahora cuatro años, en el discurso de inauguración de su segunda presidencia. Asumamos que sus principios son sólidos -"siempre seguí a mi conciencia y actué por el bien de mi país", aseguró en su discurso de despedida a la nación- y que su obsesión por la libertad, una palabra que mencionó 25 veces en su última conferencia de prensa, es sincera. Asumamos incluso que algunos de los errores de su gestión son improvisaciones justificadas por el ardor del 11-S. Asumamos, por último, que una presidencia no puede ser juzgada por los detalles del gobierno cotidiano sino por la huella que deja en las siguientes generaciones.

Aun así, la de Bush es una presidencia famélica en resultados e ignominiosa en los métodos, que difícilmente encontrará la absolución de la historia. Ni él fue capaz de desmentir nunca la imagen pedestre que sus enemigos le crearon ni su obra se impuso por sí misma -como fue el caso de Ronald Reagan- a la incredulidad y el desprecio de sus críticos.

Aunque es posible que cuente con el perdón de Barack Obama, que ha respondido a las peticiones de investigar a Bush diciendo que su instinto le aconseja "mirar hacia adelante y no hacia atrás", W. parece un personaje condenado para siempre al desván de la historia estadounidense. Puesto que su rechazo es tan unánime en el mundo -quizá se pueden excluir algunos países asiáticos y otros africanos, favorecidos por la ayuda norteamericana a la lucha contra el sida- y en su propio país, donde concluye su gestión con un índice de popularidad del 27%, a la hora de hacer balance de su labor puede ser aconsejable el ejercicio dialéctico de descubrir primero qué ha hecho bien.

El terrible peso de dos guerras inacabadas, si no perdidas, y la peor crisis económica que ha conocido el mundo caen sobre su gestión de una manera tan demoledora que es difícil rebuscar en otros ámbitos de su presidencia los logros que, al menos, atenúen el calificativo de peor presidente de la historia. La página web de la Casa Blanca ha hecho un resumen de los ocho años de Bush en el que intenta, como es lógico, destacar lo positivo. Se menciona lo del sida, una reforma educativa conocida como No child left behind que recibió algunos aplausos en su primer año de mandato, pequeños avances en el seguro público de salud y retórica sobre la expansión de la libertad en Irak y Afganistán.

Ese resumen incluye, sin embargo, un éxito -quizá éste no sea el término adecuado- que Bush ha exhibido con orgullo en los últimos días: el territorio de EE UU no ha vuelto a ser atacado desde septiembre de 2001. "Esto no se debe a la suerte ni a que los terroristas no lo hayan intentado", asegura la información oficial. Probablemente hay que atribuirle a algunas medidas de la Administración de Bush, como la reorganización de los servicios de espionaje o la creación del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional, cierto mérito en la consecución de este largo periodo sin atentados. Pero, como el propio Bush ha reconocido, ese tiempo transcurrido no es la prueba de que el terrorismo haya sido derrotado o la amenaza terrorista haya decrecido. Al contrario. El último informe del Pentágono sobre este asunto, del mes de diciembre, alertaba sobre el crecimiento de Al Qaeda y su red de organizaciones hermanas en varias partes del mundo, particularmente en el norte de África, así como del desarrollo de más intensa actividad terrorista en Afganistán, Pakistán y en la frontera entre esos dos países.

La guerra contra el terrorismo ha marcado como ninguna otra circunstancia la gestión del 43º presidente de Estados Unidos. En nombre de esa guerra, para la que, en un principio, contó con un enorme apoyo dentro y fuera del país, esta Administración quebrantó los principios de la Constitución de tal manera que todavía hace sonrojar a sus propios compatriotas. Los episodios de la prisión de Abu Ghraib, Guantánamo, las cárceles secretas de la CIA, las escuchas sin protección judicial, las torturas... ponen trágicamente el sello sobre esta presidencia.

Todo eso, con toda la degradación ética que representa, hubiera tenido, sin embargo, algún sentido en el frío cálculo de la política si hubiera conducido hacia algún logro que sirviera para argumentar hoy que el mundo es más seguro, más estable o más próspero. Nada de eso puede decirse al despedir a Bush, que ha conseguido sumarle al deshonor la incompetencia.

Incompetencia o negligencia son términos que nos remiten inmediatamente al manejo de la tragedia del Katrina, donde el crédito que le quedaba al presidente se hundió junto a los casi 2.000 norteamericanos muertos.

Pero su más importante y polémica decisión como gobernante, la guerra de Irak, es el mejor y más completo ejemplo de la gestión de Bush. Al error inicial sobre la inexistencia de armas de destrucción masiva (aceptando la palabra de Bush de que todas las agencias de espionaje del mundo creían, como él, que Sadam Husein las escondía), se sumó una calamitosa cadena de decisiones tácticas equivocadas, desde la disolución del Ejército iraquí hasta el cálculo sobre el número de tropas, que convirtieron Irak en un infierno en el que murieron decenas de miles de civiles iraquíes y más de 4.200 soldados norteamericanos.

El desastre militar de Irak no era más que la consecuencia de la división y la falta de liderazgo dentro de la propia Administración en Washington. Superado por una situación a la que intentó ponerle énfasis patriótico pero que nunca supo gobernar, Bush cedió de hecho el poder a Dick Cheney, quien se convirtió en el vicepresidente más influyente de la historia, y fue incapaz de imponer su autoridad en los enfrentamientos continuos entre las principales figuras del Gabinete. "Su Gobierno nunca fue un equipo, siempre fueron rivales", ha asegurado el periodista Bob Woodward, que ha escrito cuatro libros sobre el periodo de Bush.

Donald Rumsfeld, secretario de Defensa durante seis años, siempre ignoró a Colin Powell y Condoleezza Rice, los dos secretarios de Estado, y construyó por su cuenta un centro de poder ideológico en el Pentágono con Douglas Feith y Paul Wolfowitz, que irritó y marginó a los militares. Mientras, el principal asesor de Bush, Karl Rove, aumentaba su poder en la sombra y convertía la presidencia en una fortaleza ante el acoso del Congreso y de los medios de comunicación.

Muchas de las figuras neocon de las que Bush se rodeó le dieron a su Administración un tono doctrinario y extremadamente ideológico, pero él nunca fue un político de profunda ideología. Ni siquiera de inquebrantable firmeza. Para ser el matón que a veces decían, aceptó con mucha diplomacia las exigencias de China y de Rusia en numerosas circunstancias. Y para ser el bastión antiterrorista de que presume, se ha ido dejando a Irán más cerca de poseer capacidad nuclear. Sus principios liberales no fueron impedimento tampoco para utilizar los recursos del Estado en el rescate del sistema financiero, a fin de contener una crisis económica que acabó por arruinar del todo su legado.

Dicen sus íntimos que no hemos conocido al verdadero George Bush. Ciertamente, se trata de una persona que nunca estuvo a gusto en el ambiente de esta ciudad y que nunca se manifestó con espontaneidad. No era el escogido por su padre para extender la saga familiar de presidentes ni renunció a la vida frívola de un niño rico hasta que se le encendieron las luces de alarma por el exceso de alcohol. Después consiguió ser en Tejas un político cálido y cercano que despertaba simpatías entre el ciudadano común. Esa imagen quedó rápidamente borrada en la Casa Blanca, a la que llegó con mal pie gracias a una decisión del Supremo para desempatar unas elecciones en las que Al Gore se impuso en el cómputo global de votos, aunque perdió por unos pocos el decisivo Estado de Florida.

Bush galvanizó brevemente al país después del 11-S, pero su gestión consiguió dividirlo como no lo había estado en mucho tiempo. Cuando el martes aborde el Marine One para emprender rumbo a Crawford, la imagen más cercana será la de Richard Nixon agitando la mano en aquel famoso adiós en medio del bochorno general. Nixon podía apuntarse, al menos, el mérito de la creación de una nueva relación con China. Varios pensadores conservadores insisten en que Bush merecerá algún día el reconocimiento por su dedicación a este país. Es posible. De momento, el único reconocimiento es el de irse en silencio, discretamente, cediendo más que cortésmente el espacio a su sucesor.

my name is George Bush and I love My Ranch.. That´s all... i love texas too.